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Résumé Adbusters N°25


French translation of "Showdown in Chicago."

From Adbusters Blog


This article is available in:

A tous les rédempteurs, rebelles et radicaux :

Alors que le soulèvement global frémit au sein de milliers de villes et de douzaines de pays, un sommet rare aura lieu simultanément entre les G8 et NATO ce Mai ci. Les forces militaires et les élites politiques du monde, des chefs d’états, 7.500 officiaux provenant de 80 nations et plus de 2.500 journalistes seront présents.

Et nous y serons aussi.

Ce 1er mai, 50.000 personnes venant de tous les coins du monde se rassembleront à Chicago, dresseront des tentes, des cuisines, des barricades pacifiques et #OCCUPYCHICAGO pendant un mois. Avec un peu de chance, nous réaliserons la plus grande occupation multinationale d’une réunion au sommet que le monde ait connu.

Et cette fois nous n’allons pas tolérer le genre de répression policière qui eut lieu aux manifestations de la Convention Démocrate Nationale à Chicago en 1968 … pas plus que nous respecterons les fausses restrictions que la ville de Chicago puisse tenter d’imposer sur nos premiers droits d’amendement. Nous y irons la tête haute et nous nous assemblerons pendant un sommet d’un mois … nous marcherons et chanterons et crierons et nous exercerons notre droit de communiquer a nos représentants ce que nous désirons … la constitution sera notre guide.

Et lorsque les G8 et NATO se rencontreront derrière portes fermées le 19 mai, nos demandes seront prêtes : une taxe « Robin des Bois » … une interdiction du commerce « flash » a haute fréquence … un engagement sur le changement climatique … une loi « retrait sur trois prises » pour les criminels d’entreprises … une initiative tous azimuts pour un Moyen Orient sans activité nucléaire … quelles que soient les décisions prises dans nos assemblées générales et notre remue-méninges global sur internet — nous, le peuple, décideront de l’agenda pour les prochaines années, et nous exigeront que nos dirigeants l'exécute.

Et s’ils ne nous écoutent pas … s’ils ignorent nos demandes comme ils ont pu le faire tant de fois auparavant … alors, avec une férocité Gandhienne, nous irons dans les rues, fermerons les bourses, les campus, les quartiers généraux d’entreprises et les villes autour du globe … nous rendrons le prix de continuer à faire du business comme d’habitude trop élevé pour être supporté.

Rédempteurs, amenez vos tentes et votre courage, et préparez-vous au big bang à Chicago ce printemps. Si nous ne levons pas maintenant pour lutter pour un futur différent, nous n’en aurons peut-être pas un. Alors vivons sans temps-mort pendant un moi ce mai-ci, et nous verrons ce qui se passera.

for the wild,
Culture Jammers HQ

CANG8.org / ChicagoMassAction.org / Occupy Chicago
Adbusters / Facebook / Twitter / Reddit

Traduit par Julie Cornu

Date Published: Feb 17, 2012 - 6:57 am



Paramilitary Policing Begins


Get ready for #OccupyChicago.

From Adbusters Blog


Fearing the rebellious peaceful hordes of Occupy, Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel has granted the city’s police force emergency purchasing power to suit-up for NATO and G8 meetings this May. Top of the list: 3000 new riot face shields worth $200,000. These face shields are said to be better than existing ones because they fit easier over top of gas masks and seal directly to the forehead of the helmet, preventing liquids from passing through.

“Rioters known to attend NATO and G8 meetings have been known to throw bags of urine and bags of feces at police. Chicago Police officers need a shield that can adapt to what is being thrown at them, ” Fraternal Order of Police President Mike Shields told the Chicago Sun Times.

In a city already strapped for cash for social programs, the move comes as a surprise to citizens and protestors alike.

Aaron Cynic of Chicagoist.com writes:

To our knowledge, no protesters plan on bringing any kind of scatological materials to the demonstrations in May. Furthermore, while cursory searching found plenty of speculation, rumor and hyperbole about such instances, we have yet to find any actual hard evidence outside of commentary. To the contrary, a civil liberties advocate told an independent news website in December: “This is part of a spectrum of information war strategies that the state uses to repress dissent.”

#OCCUPYCHICAGO Tactical Briefing / Facebook Event Page / Twitter / Reddit
Date Published: Feb 17, 2012 - 5:59 am



Long Spring


Seevideo

A year after the Arab Spring touched down in Bahrain, the people of that country are still demanding change. At Pearl Roundabout, the epicentre of last years' viscious government crackdown, protestors have gathered again.

Date Published: Feb 16, 2012 - 11:09 am


Chris Hedges On Nonviolence


Why truth, not fear, is Occupy’s greatest weapon.

From Adbusters Blog


Part of an ongoing debate within the Occupy community, author Chris Hedges says that our lessons should be drawn from the visionary philosophy of Czech revolutionary Vaclav Havel, not the “diversity of tactics” of the Black Bloc. “Living in Truth,” Havel’s ideal of refusal to fear, begins when we create alternative means of existence and deny the impulse to expected responses. States are well equipped to deal with the loss of order and violence but are inept at dealing with loss of faith and mass non-violence, Hedges argues. That is why government agitators and provocateurs are actively involved in the movement – to divide it and conquer its 99% appeal.

There is a recipe for breaking popular movements. I watched it play out over five years in the war in El Salvador. I now see these familiar patterns in the assault against the Occupy movement. It goes like this. Physically eradicate the insurgents’ logistical base of operations to disrupt communication and organization. Dry up financial and material support. Create rival organizations—the group Stand for Oakland seems to be one of these attempts—to discredit and purge the rebel leadership. Infiltrate the movement to foster internal divisions and rivalries, a tactic carried out consciously, or perhaps unconsciously, by an anonymous West Coast group known as OLAASM—Occupy Los Angeles Anti Social Media. Provoke the movement—or front groups acting in the name of the movement—to carry out actions such as vandalism and physical confrontations with the police that alienate the wider populace from the insurgency. Invent atrocities and repugnant acts supposedly carried out by the movement and plant these stories in the media. Finally, offer up a political alternative. In the war in El Salvador it was Jose Napoleon Duarte. For the Occupy movement it is someone like Van Jones. And use this “reformist” to co-opt the language of the movement and promise to promote the movement’s core aims through the electoral process.

Read the entire piece on Truthdig.com.

Date Published: Feb 16, 2012 - 5:59 am


The Fight Against Capitalism


In the spring we must rediscover insurrectionary forms of care.

by Nicole Demby

From Adbusters #100: Are We Happy Yet?

Inthespringwemustrediscoverinsurrectionaryformsofcare

DAVID DEGNER

While #OWS still encompasses within it a multiplicity of tactics, opinions, and degrees of political radicalism, the evidence is all too clear that the soul of Occupy is anticapitalist, and the desire for a different system is a desire for a protest movement whose grasp on our lives is more holistic. There has already been inspiring work done to organize in different communities, and one can envision the emergence of a dispersed network not only of general assemblies but of communes and cooperatives as well.

The old pessimism of theory beats at our backs, telling us that any developed and sustained form of communal organization can only exist as an autonomous pocket whose threat to capitalism is nil. Yet sustaining autonomous, communal forms of care is not a shift away from direct, active forms of resistance. The positive and the negative aspects of the fight against capitalism must work in conjunction with one another to mutually reinforce each other. Communes, cooperatives and other structures of social support provide a material safety net that facilitates more radical action, enabling people to strike from work and from debt obligations with the assurance that their material needs will be met when they do. Moreover, such forms of organization can begin the incredibly difficult process of building trust between those with radically different backgrounds and experiences, providing support for whoever needs it, especially those who have borne the brunt of the economic collapse.

These forms of organization will enervate the status quo by drawing participants’ time and energy away from their roles as wage laborers, salaried workers, and consumers. Of course, #OWS has already begun to do this; many of us without the luxury of highly flexible (read precarious) employment, or who haven’t already committed ourselves as full-time occupiers (and are now sleeping in churches, synagogues and generously offered private homes – and organizing during the day) already spend our office hours surreptitiously reading working group emails or occupy-related articles. Yet we aim to achieve a less schizophrenic mode of existence in which the totalizing effect of Occupy on our thoughts is reflected in the degree to which it predominates our actions, one in which our politics accords with the way in which we support ourselves. For those against capitalism this will mean testing our own boldness and examining our own perceived futures. As Daniel Marcus observed: “There can be no movement of communes if protest is merely an extracurricular activity of wage-earners: workers will have to choose whether they stand with the communes or with the bosses and administrators.”

The need for new structures of care is emotional as well as material. Many of us are beginning to realize the extent of our own dissatisfaction. We spend time with friends and lovers, but these encounters are transitory counterpoints to the anomie induced by a culture of individualism. We work towards success, but what constitutes success seems increasingly empty. Perhaps it’s unfashionable to speak of “alienation,” naïve to make claims about what forms of work or activities might begin to overcome it, utopian to believe that we could create a society in which a better life is possible. And yet we already see the possibility of these things in the near future of this movement and are already beginning to build the necessary infrastructure.

Affect isn’t just an effect, but a decisive tool of revolution. Just as the catharsis of resistance we experienced in the fall bolstered community and emboldened us to go further, more communal, self-sustaining and holistic instantiations of Occupy will further entrench and strengthen the movement. We are strongest when our resistance draws on our outrage but also harnesses our vital forces, extending to the very material and psychological basis of our lives.

In the spring we must rediscover together that there are militant kinds of community and insurrectionary forms of care.

Nicole Demby is a writer and critic living in Brooklyn. She is a member of the Arts & Labor group of Occupy Wall Street.

Date Published: Feb 15, 2012 - 5:59 am


Concebir Lo Inconcebible


¿Cuándo pasa el crecimiento económico a ser crecimiento poco económico?

by Tim Jackson

From Adbusters #84: Nihilism and Revolution

alt
Dan Golden Inc. – Crazy New Shit

This article is available in:

Todas las sociedades se aferran a un mito en base al cual viven. El nuestro es el mito del crecimiento económico. Durante las últimas cinco décadas, la búsqueda del crecimiento ha sido el objetivo común más importante en las políticas de todo el mundo. La economía global tiene un tamaño casi cinco veces el de hace un siglo y, si continúa creciendo al mismo ritmo, tendrá 80 veces ese tamaño para el año 2100.

Este incremento extraordinario de la actividad económica global no tiene precedentes históricos: está reñido de forma flagrante con el conocimiento científico que tenemos acerca de la base de recursos finitos y la frágil ecología de la que dependemos para sobrevivir, y ya le ha acompañado el deterioro de un 60% de los ecosistemas de la Tierra.

En su mayor parte, evitamos la cruda realidad de estos números. Lo que se da por supuesto es que (dejando de lado las crisis financieras) el crecimiento continuará de manera indefinida; no sólo en los países más pobres, en los que es innegable que se necesita una mejora en la calidad de vida, sino también incluso en los naciones más ricas, en las que la cornucopia de la riqueza material influye poco en la felicidad y está comenzado a amenazar las bases de nuestro bienestar.

Las razones de esta ceguera colectiva se encuentran con facilidad. La economía moderna depende de forma estructural en el crecimiento económico para ser estable, por lo que cuando el crecimiento se vuelve inestable (como lo ha hecho en los últimos tiempos) a los políticos les entra el pánico. Las empresas intentan salir adelante, la población perdió su trabajo y, a veces, su casa, y se avecina una espiral de recesión. Se estima que cuestionarse el crecimiento es cosa de lunáticos, de idealistas y de revolucionarios.

Mas hemos de hacerlo. El mito del crecimiento nos ha fallado, le ha fallado a las dos mil millones de personas que viven con menos de dos dólares al día, le ha fallado a los frágiles ecosistemas de los que dependemos para sobrevivir. Ha fallado estrepitosamente, en sus propias palabras, a la hora de proporcionar estabilidad económica y asegurarse de que la población se pudiese ganar la vida.

Hoy por hoy nos encontramos haciéndole frente al final inminente de la era del petróleo barato; a la perspectiva (más allá de la burbuja que tuvo lugar hace poco) del incremento continuo de los precios de las materias primas; al deterioro de los bosques, lagos y suelos; a los conflictos sobre el uso de la tierra, la calidad del agua y los derechos de pesca; y al desafío trascendental de estabilizar las concentraciones de carbono en la atmósfera global. Y hacemos frente a estos cometidos con una economía que está en esencia destrozada, que necesita ser renovada con urgencia.

En estas circunstancias, no es una opción volver a hacer las cosas como hasta ahora. La prosperidad de unos pocos basada en la destrucción ecológica y la injusticia social reiterada no son las bases de una sociedad civilizada. La recuperación económica es vital, proteger los empleos de la población (y crear nuevos) es del todo esencial, pero también necesitamos de forma apremiante una nueva percepción de la prosperidad compartida, de un compromiso con la justicia y con la prosperidad en un mundo finito.

Llevar a la práctica objetivos como estos puede parecer un cometido extraño e incluso incongruente para la política en la modernidad, puesto que el papel de los gobiernos se ha enmarcado de forma muy estrecha en objetivos materiales y se ha vuelto vano en pos de una visión errónea de las libertades ilimitadas del consumidor. El mismo concepto de gobernanza también necesita renovarse con urgencia.Pero la crisis económica en curso nos brinda una oportunidad única de invertir en el cambio, de erradicar la mentalidad cortoplacista que ha afligido a la sociedad durante décadas, de reemplazarla por políticas capaces de abordar el enorme desafío que supone ofrecer una prosperidad duradera.

Ya que, a fin de cuentas, la prosperidad va más allá de los placeres materiales. Trasciende las preocupaciones materiales. Radica en la calidad de la vida y en la salud y la felicidad de las familias. Está presente en la fortaleza de las relaciones y en la confianza en la comunidad. Se pone de manifiesto por la satisfacción en el trabajo y la sensación de propósito compartido. Depende del potencial que tengamos para participar de forma plena en la vida en sociedad.

La prosperidad consiste en la capacidad de avanzar como seres humanos … dentro de los límites ecológicos de un planeta finito. El desafío de la sociedad es crear las condiciones en virtud de las cuales esto sea posible. Se trata del cometido más apremiante de nuestros tiempos.

Tim Jackson, de (traducción literal del título en inglés) "Prosperidad sin crecimiento", sd-commission.org.uk.

Translated by the Translator Brigadestranslatorbrigades@gmail.com

Date Published: Feb 14, 2012 - 11:30 am


1% Art


Who are the patrons of contemporary art today?

by Andrea Fraser

From Adbusters #100: Are We Happy Yet?

alt

Who are the patrons of contemporary art today? The ARTnews 200 Top Collectors list is an obvious place to start. Near the top of the alphabetical list is Roman Abramovich, estimated by Forbes to be worth $13.4 billion.

He has admitted to paying billions in bribes for control of Russian oil and aluminum assets. Bernard Arnault, listed by Forbes as the fourth richest man in the world with $41 billion, controls the luxury goods conglomerate LVMH, which, despite the debt crisis, reported a sales growth of 13 percent in the first half of 2011. Hedge fund manager John Arnold, who got his start at Enron–where he received an $8 million bonus just before it collapsed–recently gave $150,000 to an organization seeking to limit public pensions. MoMA, MoCA and LACMA trustee Eli Broad is worth $5.8 billion and was a board member and major shareholder of the now notorious AIG. Steven A. Cohen, estimated to be worth $8 billion, is the founder of SAC Capital Advisors, which is under investigation for insider trading. Guggenheim trustee Dimitris Daskalopoulos, who is also chairman of the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises, recently called for a “modern private initiative” to save the failing Greek economy from a “bloated and parasitic” “patronage-ridden state.” Another Guggenheim trustee, David Ganek, recently shut down his $4 billion Level Global hedge fund after an FBI raid.

SoccerBall,$399.95

$399.95

$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$

Soccer Ball, 2003
TAKASHI MURAKAMI

Noam Gottesman and former partner Pierre Lagrange (also on the ARTnews list) earned £400 million each on the sale of their hedge fund GLG in 2007, making them “among the world’s biggest winners from the credit crunch,” according to the Sunday Times. Hedge fund manager Kenneth C. Griffin supported Obama in 2008 but recently gave $500,000 to a political action committee created by former Bush adviser Karl Rove and was also seen at a meeting of the right-wing-populist Koch Network. Andrew Hill’s $100 million in compensation in 2009 led Citigroup to sell its Philbro division, where he was the top trader, after pressures from regulators to curtail his pay on the heels of Citigroup’s receipt of $45 billion in US federal bailout funds (he subsequently moved the company offshore). Damien Hirst, estimated by the Sunday Times to be worth £215 million, is one of a handful of artists who have now made rich-lists alongside their patrons. Peter Kraus collected $25 million for just three months’ work when his exit package was triggered by Merrill Lynch’s sale to Bank of America with the help of US federal funds. Henry Kravis’s income in 2007 was reported to be $1.3 million a day. His wife, economist Marie-Josée Kravis, who is MoMA’s president and a fellow at the neoconservative Hudson Institute, recently defended “Anglo-Saxon capitalism” against “Europe’s ‘social capitalist politics’” in Forbes.com. Daniel S. Loeb, a MoCA trustee and founder of the $7.8 billion hedge fund Third Point, sent a letter to investors attacking Obama for “insisting that the only solution to the nation’s problems … lies in the redistribution of wealth.” Dimitri Mavrommatis, the “Swiss-based” Greek asset manager, paid £18 million for a Picasso at Christie’s on June 21, 2011, while Greeks were rioting against austerity measures. And of course, there is Charles Saatchi, who helped elect Margaret Thatcher. The firm of MoMA chairman Jerry Speyer defaulted on a major real estate investment in 2010, losing $500 million for the California State Pension Fund and up to $2 billion in debt secured by US federal agencies. Reinhold Würth, worth $5.7 billion, has been fined for tax evasion in Germany and compared taxation to torture. He recently acquired Virgin of Mercy by Hans Holbein the Younger, paying the highest price ever for an artwork in Germany and outbidding the Städelsche Kunstinstitut in Frankfurt/Main, where the painting had been on display since 2003.

Untitled,$912,000

$912,000

$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$

Untitled, 1990
ROBERT GOBER

In the midst of an economic crisis, the art world is experiencing an ongoing market boom which has been widely linked to the rise of High Net Worth Individuals (HNWI) and Ultra-HNWIs (people worth over $1 million or $30 million respectively), particularly from the financial industry. A recent report by Art+Auction even celebrated indicators that these groups were rebounding from their 2008 dip to precrisis wealth. Until recently, however, there has been very little discussion of the obvious link between the art world’s global expansion and rising income disparity. A quick look the Gini index, a measure of income inequality, shows that the countries with the most significant art booms of the past two decades have also experienced the steepest rise in inequality: the United States, Britain, China and India. Further, recent economic research has established a direct connection between skyrocketing art prices and income inequality, showing that “a one percentage point increase in the share of total income earned by the top 0.1% triggers an increase in art prices of about 14 percent.” It is now painfully obvious that what has been extraordinarily good for the art world over the past decades has been disastrous for the rest of the world.

In the United States it is difficult to imagine any arts organization or practice that can escape the economic structures and policies that have produced this inequality. The private nonprofit model–which almost all US museums as well as alternative art organizations exist within–is dependent on wealthy donors and has its origins in the same ideology that led to the current global economic crisis: that private initiatives are better suited to fulfill social needs than the public sector and that wealth is best administered by the wealthy. Even outside of institutions, artists engaged in community-based and social practices that aim to provide public benefit in a time of austerity simply may be enacting what George H. W. Bush called for when he envisioned volunteers and community organizations spreading like “a thousand points of lights’ in the wake of his rollback in public spending.

Progressive artists, critics and curators face an existential crisis: how can we continue to justify our involvement in this art economy? At minimum, if our only choice is to participate or to abandon the art field entirely, we can stop rationalizing that participation in the name of critical or political art practices or–adding insult to injury–social justice. Any claim that we represent a progressive social force while our activities are directly subsidized by, and benefit from, the engines of inequality can only contribute to the justification of that inequality. The only true “alternative” today is to recognize our participation in this economy and confront it in an open, direct and immediate way in all of our institutions, including museums and galleries and publications. Despite the radical political rhetoric that abounds in the art world, censorship and self-censorship reign when it comes to confronting our economic conditions, except in marginalized (often self-marginalized) arenas where there is nothing to lose–and little to gain–in speaking truth to power.

Larmestears,$1,300,000

$1,300,000

$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$

The most expensive photograph in the world
Larmes tears, 1932
MAN RAY

Indeed the duplicity of progressive claims in art may contribute to the suspicion that progressive politics is just a ruse of educated elites to preserve their privilege. In our case, this may be true. Increasingly it seems that politics in the art world is largely a politics of envy and guilt, or of self-interest generalized in the name of a narrowly conceived and privileged form of autonomy, and that artistic “critique” most often serves not to reveal but to distance these economic conditions and our investment in them. As such, it is a politics that functions to defend against contradictions that might otherwise make our continued participation in the art field, and access to its considerable rewards–which have ensconced many of us comfortably among the 10 percent, if not the 1 percent or even the 0.1 percent–unbearable.

A broad-based shift in art discourse may help precipitate a long overdue splitting off of the market-dominated subfield of galleries, auction houses, and art fairs. If a turn away from the art market means that public museums contract and ultra-wealthy collectors create their own privately controlled institutions, so be it. Let these private institutions be the treasure vaults, theme-park spectacles and economic freak shows that many already are. Let the market-dominated art world become the luxury goods business it already basically is, with what circulates there having as little to do with true art as yachts, jets, and watches. It is time we began evaluating whether artworks fulfill, or fail to fulfill, political or critical claims at the level of their social and economic conditions. We must insist that what art works are economically determines what they mean socially and also artistically.

If we, as curators, critics, art historians and artists, withdraw our cultural capital from these markets, we have the potential to create a new art field where radical forms of autonomy can develop: not as secessionist “alternatives’ that exist only in the grandiose enactments and magical thinking of artists and theorists, but as fully institutionalized structures, which, with the “properly social magic of institutions,’ will be able to produce, reproduce and reward noncommercial values.

Andrea Fraser is an artist and professor in the art department at the University of California–Los Angeles. This is a revised version of an essay originally published in Texte zur Kunst, Issue no. 83, September 2011.

Date Published: Feb 14, 2012 - 5:59 am


Post-Crash Fascism


Planning for the apocalypse.

by Christian Parenti

From Adbusters #100: Are We Happy Yet?

alt

STEVEN MEISEL / VOGUE ITALIA

Climate change is happening faster than initially predicted, and its impacts are already upon us in the form of more extreme weather events, desertification, ocean acidification, melting glaciers and incrementally rising sea levels.

The scientists who construct the computer models that analyze climate data believe that even if we stop dumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, CO2 levels are already so high that we are locked into a significant increase in global temperatures. Disruptive climate change is a certainty even if we make the economic shift away from fossil fuels.

Incipient climate change is already starting to express itself in the realm of politics.

Climate change arrives in a world primed for crisis. The current and impending dislocations of climate change intersect with the already-existing crises of poverty and violence. I call this collision of political, economic and environmental disasters the catastrophic convergence. By catastrophic convergence, I do not merely mean that several disasters happen simultaneously, one atop another. Rather, I argue that problems compound and amplify each other, one expressing itself through another.

Societies, like people, deal with new challenges in ways that are conditioned by the traumas of their past. Thus, damaged societies, like damaged people, often respond to new crises in ways that are irrational, shortsighted, and self-destructive. In the case of climate change, the prior traumas that set the stage for bad adaptation, the destructive social response, are Cold War–era militarism and the economic pathologies of neoliberal capitalism. Over the last 40 years, both of these forces have distorted the state’s relationship to society – removing and undermining the state’s collectivist, regulatory and redistributive functions, while overdeveloping its repressive and military capacities. This, I argue, inhibits society’s ability to avoid violent dislocations as climate change kicks in.

Planning for apocalypse

A slew of government reports have discussed the social and military problems posed by climate change. In 2008. Congress mandated that the upcoming 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review – the policy document laying out the guiding principles of US military strategy and doctrine – consider the national-security impacts of climate change. The first of these investigations to make news, a 2004 Pentagon-commissioned study called “An Abrupt Climate Change Scenario and Its Implications for United States National Security,” was authored by Peter Schwartz, a CIA consultant and former head of planning at Royal Dutch/Shell, and Doug Randall of the California-based Global Business Network.The report was made at the behest of octogenarian military theorist cum imperial soothsayer Andrew Marshall. Known to his followers as Yoda, after the wrinkled, dwarflike puppet of Star Wars fame, Marshall got his start at the RAND Corporation in 1949 as a specialist on nuclear Armageddon and its alleged survivability. He moved from RAND to the Pentagon during Richard Nixon’s presidency and served every president since. (It is interesting to note the presence of atomic-era Cold Warrior physicists among both the climate-change denialists and the military adaptationists. In his book How to Cool the Planet, Jeff Goodell remarks on the same set’s infatuation with the high-tech solutions promised by geoengineering, in particular Lawrence Livermore Laboratory’s Lowell Wood, a tie-dye wearing disciple of Edward Teller.)

Schwartz and Randall’s report correctly treats global warming as a potentially nonlinear process. And they forecast a new Dark Ages:

Nations without the resources to do so may build virtual fortresses around their countries, preserving resources for themselves … As famine, disease, and weather-related disasters strike due to the abrupt climate change, many countries’ needs will exceed their carrying capacity. This will create a sense of desperation, which is likely to lead to offensive aggression in order to reclaim balance … Europe will be struggling internally, large numbers of refugees washing up on its shores and Asia in serious crisis over food and water. Disruption and conflict will be endemic features of life. Once again, warfare would define human life.

In 2007, there came more reports on climate and security. One, from the Pentagon-connected think tank CNA Corporation, convened an advisory board of high-ranking former military officers to examine the issues – among them General Gordon Sullivan, former chief of staff, US Army; Admiral Donald Pilling, former vice chief of naval operations; Admiral Joseph Prueher, former commander in chief of the US Pacific Command; and General Anthony Zinni, retired US Marine Corps and former commander in chief of US Central Command. That report envisioned permanent counterinsurgency on a global scale. Here is one salient excerpt:

Climate change acts as a threat multiplier for instability … Unlike most conventional security threats that involve a single entity acting in specific ways at different points in time, climate change has the potential to result in multiple chronic conditions, occurring globally within the same time frame. Economic and environmental conditions in these already fragile areas will further erode as food production declines, diseases increase, clean water becomes increasingly scarce, and populations migrate in search of resources. Weakened and failing governments, with an already thin margin for survival, foster the conditions for internal conflict, extremism, and movement toward increased authoritarianism and radical ideologies. The US may be drawn more frequently into these situations to help to provide relief, rescue, and logistics, or to stabilize conditions before conflicts arise.

Another section notes:

When a government can no longer deliver services to its people, ensure domestic order, and protect the nation’s borders from invasion, conditions are ripe for turmoil, extremism and terrorism to fill the vacuum … the greatest concern will be movement of asylum seekers and refugees who due to ecological devastation become settlers.

In closing the report notes, “Abrupt climate changes could make future adaptation extremely difficult, even for the most developed countries.”

Another report from 2007, the most scientifically literate of the lot, titled The Age of Consequences: The Foreign Policy National Security Implications of Global Climate Change, was produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Center for a New American Security. Its prominent authors included Kurt Campbell, former deputy assistant secretary of defense; Leon Fuerth, former national security advisor to Vice President Al Gore; John Podesta, former chief of staff for President Bill Clinton; and James Woolsey, former director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

Age of Consequences laid out three plausible scenarios for climate change, each pertaining to different global average-temperature changes. The authors relied on the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change but noted, “Recent observations indicate that projections from climate models have been too conservative; the effects of climate change are unfolding faster and more dramatically than expected.” The report conceives of future problems not in terms of interstate resource wars but as state collapse caused by “disease, uncontrolled migration, and crop failure, that … overwhelm the traditional instruments of national security (the military in particular) and other elements of state power and authority.” Green ex-spook James Woolsey authored the report’s final section laying out the worst-case scenario. He writes:

In a world that sees two meter sea level rise, with continued flooding ahead, it will take extraordinary effort for the United States, or indeed any country, to look beyond its own salvation. All of the ways in which human beings have dealt with natural disasters in the past … could come together in one conflagration: rage at government’s inability to deal with the abrupt and unpredictable crises; religious fervor, perhaps even a dramatic rise in millennial end-of-days cults; hostility and violence toward migrants and minority groups, at a time of demographic change and increased global migration; and intra- and interstate conflict over resources, particularly food and fresh water. Altruism and generosity would likely be blunted.

the west versus the rest

Other developed states have conducted similar studies, most of them classified. The Australian Defence Force (ADF) produced a report on climate conflict in 2007, a summary of which was leaked two years later: “Environmental stress, caused by both climate change and a range of other factors, will act as a threat multiplier in fragile states around the world, increasing the chances of state failure. This is likely to increase demands for the ADF to be deployed on additional stabilization, post-conflict reconstruction and disaster relief operations in the future.”

The European powers are also planning for the security threats of a world transformed by climate change. The European Council released a climate-security report in 2008, noting that “a temperature rise of up to 2°C above preindustrial levels will be difficult to avoid … Investment in mitigation to avoid such scenarios, as well as ways to adapt to the unavoidable should go hand in hand with addressing the international security threats created by climate change; both should be viewed as part of preventive security policy.”

In familiar language the report noted, “climate change threatens to overburden states and regions which are already fragile and conflict prone,” which leads to “political and security risks that directly affect European interests.” It also notes the likelihood of conflict over resources due to reduction of arable land and water shortages; economic damage to coastal cities and critical infrastructure, particularly Third World megacities; environmentally induced migration; religious and political radicalization; and tension over energy supply.

Western military planners, if not political leaders, recognize the dangers in the convergence of political disorder and climate change. Instead of worrying about conventional wars over food and water, they see an emerging geography of climatologically driven civil war, refugee flows, pogroms and social breakdown. In response, they envision a project of open-ended counterinsurgency on a global scale.

the eco-fascist threat

The watchwords of the climate discussion are mitigation and adaptation – that is, we must mitigate the causes of climate change while adapting to its effects.

Adaptation means preparing to live with the effects of climatic changes, some of which are already underway and some of which are inevitable – in the pipeline. Adaptation is both a technical and a political challenge.

Technical adaptation means transforming our relationship to nature as nature transforms: learning to live with the damage we have wrought by building seawalls around vulnerable coastal cities, giving land back to mangroves and everglades so they can act to break tidal surges during giant storms, opening wildlife migration corridors so species can move north as the climate warms, and developing sustainable forms of agriculture that can function on an industrial scale even as weather patterns gyrate wildly.

Political adaptation, on the other hand, means transforming humanity’s relationship to itself, transforming social relations among people. Successful political adaptation to climate change will mean developing new ways of containing, avoiding, and deescalating the violence that climate change fuels. That will require economic redistribution and development. It will also require a new diplomacy of peace building.

However, another type of political adaptation is already underway, one that might be called the politics of the armed lifeboat: responding to climate change by arming, excluding, forgetting, repressing, policing, and killing. One can imagine a green authoritarianism emerging in rich countries, while the climate crisis pushes the Third World into chaos. Already, as climate change fuels violence in the form of crime, repression, civil unrest, war and even state collapse in the Global South, the North is responding with a new authoritarianism. The Pentagon and its European allies are actively planning a militarized adaptation, which emphasizes the long-term, open-ended containment of failed or failing states – counterinsurgency forever.

This sort of “climate fascism,” a politics based on exclusion, segregation, and repression, is horrific and bound to fail. There must be another path. The struggling states of the Global South cannot collapse without eventually taking wealthy economies down with them. If climate change is allowed to destroy whole economies and nations, no amount of walls, guns, barbed wire, armed aerial drones, or permanently deployed mercenaries will be able to save one half of the planet from the other.

Christian Parenti is a visiting scholar at the Center for Place Culture and Politics at the CUNY Graduate Center and was just appointed professor at the School for International Training, Graduate Institute. This essay is drawn from his new book Tropic of Chaos: Climate Change and the New Geography of Violence.

Date Published: Feb 11, 2012 - 5:59 am


 
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